The Underground Thomist
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Getting In a Mess and Getting OutTuesday, 12-16-2014
More than once after giving a talk, I’ve been asked, “How did we get into this mess?” People pose this question in the hope of a simple answer. There isn’t one. No one thing got us into this mess; we were brought here by a great many seemingly independent but converging and reinforcing events, over a period of centuries. Some were epistemological, like how wisdom was displaced by expertise. Some were political, like how technocrats who said they would end social misery found it in their interest to promote a permanent underclass of dependents. Some were psychological, like how the revenge of conscience came to be such a powerful motor of social disintegration. Some were social, like how vulgarity came to be viewed as a mark of perverse sophistication. Some were theological, like how the doctrinal effect of the sola scriptura maxim was precisely the opposite of what was intended. Some were philosophical, like how we put out our eyes rather than recognize and honor the meanings and purposes woven into us. Are you discouraged? I’m not. The very fact that we can enumerate these many tangles means that the untangling is cut out for us. Leave decent people to their imperfect common sense. Abandon the self-righteous nostrum that the best way to help the poor is to undermine them. When you have sinned, don’t reinvent morality; repent. Whatever is true, honest, just, pure, lovely, gracious, noble, and worthy of praise, feast your mind on it. Respect Tradition. Open your eyes.
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What We Can Do, Even When It Seems There Is Nothing We Can DoMonday, 12-15-2014Often, even if we cannot prevent something from happening, we can do something about how it will happen. I think Alexis de Tocqueville had the right idea about this. The particular spectacle that held him in a trance of fascination was the world-wide disappearance of the old social order with its inherited social ranks, and its replacement by a new social order with equality of social ranks. We democratic souls are hard on the vices of the old order, and nearly blind to those of the new. With a clearer vision of the virtues and vices of both orders, Tocqueville was tempted to nostalgia for what was passing. Yet he thought it would be both futile and impious to seek the old order’s preservation, because he believed that for reasons obscure to us, God had ordained its demise and replacement. What then? Did he say, like the Stoics, that we are helpless to choose what happens, free only to choose our attitude toward it? No, Tocqueville was a Christian. He reasoned that although we cannot prevent disappearance of the aristocratic social order even if we wanted to, it does lie within our power to decide which form the new order will take: Whether we will pursue our desire for equality of ranks by pulling down the high, or by raising up the low. Extend that thought. In every age of society, known goods and evils are disappearing, while new and perilous potentialities are arising. What emerges from these chances, for good or ill, is not fixed. It is always possible to choose the pure, the true, and the beautiful. And though more difficult, it is always possible to refuse complicity in their opposites.
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Annals of LimerickSunday, 12-14-2014
I have a half-baked theory that people in different disciplines are attracted to different kinds of jokes. Physicists seem to be especially fond of limericks: There was a young lady from Bright, Whose speed was much faster than light. She set out one day In a relative way, And came back on the previous night. Perhaps philosophers too. For what it’s worth, here is one of my own coinage: To a Cartesian thinker named Duzz There came a most fabulous buzz: "For I not only think, But I also have thought. So I not only am, but I was." Are there any Thomistic limericks? There ought to be. The angelic doctor staunchly approved "words or deeds wherein nothing further is sought than the soul's delight," saying "man's mind would break if its tension were never relaxed." I know a near-limerick by St. Thomas himself. In a prayer of thanksgiving he wrote for use in Mass, the middle sentence asks “May [the sacrifice] purify me from sin, do away with my evil desires and passions, bring me charity and patience, humility and obedience, and strengthen me in all virtue.” The great Catholic apologist, Msgr. Ronald A. Knox, pointed out in 1925 that this uplifting petition has a limerick’s pattern of rhymes -- though not quite a limerick’s rhythm (which would have sounded cheeky in a prayer!): Sit vitiorum meorum evacuatio, Concupiscentiae et libidinis exterminatio, Caritatis et patientiae, Humilitatis et obedientiae, Omniumque virtutum augmentatio. If you do know any Thomistic limericks, let me know. There are only two rules: They have to be funny, and they have to scan.
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Fragment from an Earlier CivilizationSaturday, 12-13-2014First freedom meant our noble power of rational and moral self-direction. Then it meant the mere absence of restraints on our will, so long as we were not violating moral law. Then it meant the absence of any restraints whatsoever. Finally it meant the sheer power to act immorally and irrationally, even if the power of rational and moral self-direction were taken from us. Insofar as this is an illness of the mind, even to recognize its progress is to begin its cure. Insofar as it is an illness of the heart -- Here the manuscript breaks off.
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Curiosity as the Enemy of WonderFriday, 12-12-2014If you want to win murmurs of approval, quote Anatole France: “The whole art of teaching is only the art of awakening the natural curiosity of young minds for the purpose of satisfying it afterwards.” If you would like to evoke little gasps of admiration, follow up with Albert Einstein: “It is a miracle that curiosity survives formal education. It is, in fact, nothing short of a miracle that the modern methods of instruction have not entirely strangled the holy curiosity of inquiry.” The problem is that the curiosity-as-holiness line is carelessly undiscriminating, and at best half-true. Here is the true half: In itself, the knowledge of truth is good. Aristotle says philosophy begins in wonder. John Paul II says everyone wonders, and in that sense everyone is a philosopher. Thomas Aquinas says it is man’s natural vocation to seek truth, especially the truth about God. We are made, among other things, to know, as no other animal is made to know. But the way one goes about pursuing knowledge may be right or wrong. For example, some seek knowledge for the sake of doing evil, like the military scientists who study how to “hack” the brains of soldiers so they will be unable to disobey orders. Some seek it for the sake of pride, like the clever fellows at the company Biotransplant who implanted the nuclei of cells from a human fetus into the enucleated ovum of a sow. Some even seek it for the sake of morbid pleasure, like the witty biologists some years ago who cut off the heads and tails of centipedes and stitched the stumps together to see if the hapless creatures would run in circles. If you would rather not pick on scientists, pick another profession, say, journalism. There is plenty of guilt to go around. Mere curiosity is to the tender love of truth as voyeurism is to marital love. That is why the ancients made distinctions. They accounted wonder a natural inclination, and the humble pursuit of knowledge to be a high virtue. But they reserved the word curiositas for seeking knowledge in ways it never should be sought.
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Empathy as the Enemy of Proper SympathyThursday, 12-11-2014Sympathy is merciful compassion for the other person; empathy is feeling what the other person feels. These two are often confused. How often have you heard the cynical remark that Mary’s sympathy for Clara is superficial or insincere just because she doesn’t feel what Clara feels? But she shouldn’t feel what Clara feels. For what if Clara is paralyzed with sorrow? Would it really be praiseworthy for Mary to feel just the same? She could do Clara no good if she were paralyzed too. Or what if Clara is longing to have her drug habit satisfied? True compassion is in the service of Clara’s good; in this case it longs for Clara not to be satisfied. As these examples show, not only are sympathy and empathy different things, but they may even be enemies. The former is a virtue; the latter isn’t. Among other things, this refutes the Impartial Spectator theory of ethics, which holds that we ought to act as a universal empathizer would act – someone who perfectly feels everything that everyone else feels and then acts the way that makes him feel best. It also explodes the notion so prevalent in our culture that cruelty is denying other people what they feel they must have. Such attitudes destroy friends, undermine love, and even disorder the law.
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Which Side Guessed Better?Wednesday, 12-10-2014
What we call the U.S. Constitution is really our second constitution. The first, drafted during the War of Independence, was called the Articles of Confederation. So the battle over the ratification of the Constitution was not over whether the thirteen colonies should unite, because they were already united. It was about how to improve their cooperation. Amending the Articles of Confederation was quite difficult. After the Continental Congress called a constitutional convention to streamline the process of drafting amendments, the convention violated its instructions, threw the Articles out the window, and drafted a completely new instrument of unity without a ghost of authorization. One side in the ensuing controversy, which came to be called Federalists, favored ratifying the new document. The other, called Anti-Federalists even though they believed even more fiercely in federalism, favored rejecting it. In the Anti-Federalist view, the proposed new Constitution was not only the product of an illegal conspiracy, but also dangerously flawed. We know which side won. But which side’s guesses were closer to the mark? Judge for yourself. Here are some Federalist and Anti-Federalist expectations about what would happen if the new Constitution was ratified. Judicial power. Federalists believed the judiciary would be the weakest branch of government; Anti-Federalists were convinced it would become ever stronger and more arbitrary, and that Congress would fail to keep it in check. Judicial activism. Anti-Federalists thought judges would become activists, continually increasing their own jurisdiction, ruling with less and less attention to what the Constitution actually says; Federalists denied this would happen Legislative power. Federalists thought the legislature would be the strongest branch; Anti-Federalists thought the other two branches would be much stronger than the Federalists expected. Elasticity. Anti-Federalists thought Congress would abuse the "necessary and proper clause,” also called the “elastic clause,” to make laws about all sorts of matters that were supposed to be left to the states; Federalists foresaw no such thing. Sensitivity of Congress to popular opinion. Federalists thought the House of Representatives would be sensitive to every little change in the mood or opinion of the people, so that a wiser, more experienced, and more stable Senate would be necessary to keep the House in check; Anti-Federalists thought both Senate and House of Representatives would become increasingly distant from the people and indifferent to their concerns. Popular confidence in Congress. Federalists thought Congress, especially the House of Representatives, would enjoy the people's supreme confidence and sympathy; Anti-Federalists thought it would fall into distrust and disrepute. Congressional turnover. Federalists thought there would be a great deal of turnover in every election to the legislature; Anti-Federalists though extreme turnover would be the exception, so that Congress would come to resemble a closed aristocracy. Congressional power to raise an army. Federalists thought that the Congressional power to raise an army would be used only when necessary because of the threat of war; Anti-Federalists thought it would be used to raise a standing army of permanent soldiers ready for action even in peacetime, and put to use for questionable purposes. Whether the army will be safe. Federalists thought any army that may be raised from time to time would be well-regulated and safe for the republic; Anti-Federalists thought that it would be destructive to liberty, because it would be distinct from the people, operating under its own laws and discipline. Manipulation of elections. Anti-Federalists thought that in order to manipulate electoral outcomes, Congress would abuse its power to revise state-drafted electoral regulations; Federalists denied this would happen. Concurrent general powers of taxation. Federalists thought giving a "general" power of taxation not only to states but also to the federal government would work fine; Anti-Federalists thought it would lead to such high federal taxes that the states would find it difficult to use the same methods to raise revenue, so that their independence would be placed at risk. Cancellation. Federalists thought the rise of majority factions – including political parties – would be prevented by the competition of opposing factions in Congress. Anti-Federalists didn't buy this argument. Presidential power. Anti-Federalists thought the vagueness of the definition of the chief executive’s power would encourage abuse; Federalists thought the executive would be sufficiently controlled by checks and balances. Presidential elections. Federalists expected that in almost every presidential election, there would be a crowd of candidates, so that the Electoral College would merely winnow the field, with the final decision being made by the House of Representatives -- the result being a compromise in which large states would dominate in the first phase of selection, but large and small states would be balanced in the second. I don't know whether any Anti-Federalists expressed views on the matter.
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